Sophisticated handsets were useless abroad since only Japanese carriers offered the services that the handsets were capable of. NTT DoCoMo did attempt overseas expansion, but discovered that introducing value-added services in equipment firm-dominated European and neither dominated US markets was difficult. Since global-scale handset firms, especially Nokia, pursued their own value-added services, they were uninterested in developing i-mode compatible handsets.
Major carriers such as Vodafone also preferred their own relatively unsuccessful services or to retain revenue streams from text messaging, leaving DoCoMo to partner with smaller carriers seeking to escape commoditization. However, these smaller carriers lacked clout with global-scale manufacturers as well.
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Experiencing an exodus of subscribers Vodafone exited Japan in Neither liberalization, the advent of the Internet, or and the rise of mobile shifted the domestic winners away from the carriers as winners. We now turn to why the patterns of winners and losers emerged—the computer industry in the US, manufacturers in Europe, and carriers in Japan.
Despite the diversity of political dynamics around the world, we can identify an underlying systematic pattern of telecommunications liberalization and its outcomes: telecommunications incumbents in the strongest political position and with the strongest will to lead the sector retained their industry leadership capabilities. The Japanese government spearheaded telecommunications as part of rapid industrialization. In the immediate postwar period, the Allied Occupation government split MoC, responsible for wartime propaganda and media control, into the Ministry of Posts and the Ministry of Telecommunications.
In , just before the occupation ended, a political compromise between the Occupation and Japanese governments led NTT to become a public corporation.
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NTT, monopolist from until , dominated both industry and policymaking. In the political battle, NTT fought to limit liberalization and avoid a break-up. It mobilized the Socialist Party to vigorously oppose a break-up. MPT saw the opportunity to expand its regulatory powers by controlling a liberalized industry, particularly in the area of data processing and software, over which MPT was bitterly contesting against the Ministry of International Trade and Industry MITI —but an NTT break-up was secondary.
After years of debate, NTT emerged relatively unscathed. Limited liberalization gave MPT regulatory powers to micromanage the sector and the settlement postponed the NTT breakup to In subsequent years, despite occasionally re-emerging, political discussions about breaking apart NTT went nowhere Kushida The answers are that in the UK, the incumbent not only faced strong political pressure for liberalization, but it also had little interest in retaining industry leadership. In France and Germany, the politics surrounding telecommunications were not focused on liberalization, but rather consolidation—just as liberalization in the US, Japan, and the UK were reshaping the industry worldwide.
Since the opportunities arising from liberalization were unexpected, particularly in mobile, this left room for the rise of Nordic firms specializing in mobile. In the UK, the British Post Office consolidated its monopoly in the early 20th century after several public debates and a court battle. Thus, by the mids, the Post Office ran a financial deficit and consumers complained of poor service and slow network buildouts Vogel ; Hulsink It could not lead the sector in the manner of NTT.
In the s, the Labour government spearheaded mergers among British equipment firms, further weakening them Vogel Telecommunications was an ideal target. There was very little political resistance against Post Office restructuring. Businesses supported liberalization, with the financial sector City of London , in particular, concerned about international competition, demanding fast data communications Hulsink There were multiple workers unions, and while the stronger Postal Engineering Union vigorously opposed privatization, it was weakened in the Parliamentary debate by supporting separating telecommunications from postal operations.
The Department of Industry DoI lacked a coherent long-term mission, and unlike the bureaucracies of Japan, France, and Germany, it was not focused on protecting and developing domestic communications equipment firms Vogel Therefore, DoI did not oppose liberalizing the equipment industry.
Following the British Telecommunications Act of , BT emerged as a partially privatized operator in , with a new independent regulator Oftel implementing and interpreting licenses to new competitors issued by the Department of Trade and Industry DTI. After some notable failures in leading domestic firms to develop network switches, BT abandoned its traditional suppliers in favor of procuring equipment externally Hulsink For a time, it moved directly into manufacturing for overseas markets, but in the early s it sold its shares in manufacturing activities Butler Neither the government nor incumbent were interested in keeping domestic equipment firms, opening the opportunity for foreign firms to supply all British carriers.
While political developments within the US, UK, and Japan were driving liberalization of their communications industries in the s, the politics of France and Germany supported national monopoly carriers and national champion equipment firms. Until the s, France lagged substantially behind the UK and Germany in its telecommunications network and services.
A reform bill in enabled competition in mobile, satellite, and other value-added services, with government regulations tightly controlling the sector. France Telecom was able to keep its vertically integrated structure and the industry focused on Alcatel as the national champion manufacturer Vogel Some technical difficulties in developing switching technologies forced DBP to adopt international digital standards, along with foreign equipment Vogel An independent inquiry commissioned by the government recommended the need for reform.
Equipment providers were divided, and the postal workers union was opposed.
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The DBP shifted towards supporting reform, but resistance from unions led to concessions by the Helmut Kohl government in The DBP did actively foster competition, granting licenses to competing mobile and satellite operators, forcing DBP Telekom to provide low rate access to its network. With the integration of East Germany from s, a key focus in the early s was integrating, replacing, and building out the East German telephone network.
As a result, the incumbent carrier was fairly domestic-oriented, limited in international opportunities until the late s, and Siemens becoming a national champion equipment provider.
Now we turn to the US, which moved first in liberalization, and from which the computer industry produced firms that disrupted the entire communications sector. This was largely due to the political debate shifting to the US regulatory arena of the judicial branch, which was relatively immune to political lobbying. US regulations developed in multiple policy arenas: state, federal, judicial, and legislative. Legislation by Congress, the Graham Act of , formally recognized the rationale for telephony as a monopoly.
The FCC explicitly segmented the computer industry from the telephone industry in the s with a series of decisions known as Computer I and Computer II Computer I separated data transmission, allowed by carriers, from data processing, allowed by everybody except carriers. The objective was to prevent the incumbent from leveraging its network to undermine enhanced service providers predatory pricing or denial of network access.
Initial supporters included its labor union, several state-level utility commissions, and the US Independent Telephone Association. However, Presidents Ford, Carter, and Reagan all strongly supported competition and deregulation. The resulting market segmentation prohibited local carrier Baby Bells from producing equipment and entering long distance or information services data processing Cohen Politics and regulations surrounding the development of the US computer industry protected from domination by telecommunications incumbents.
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The development of the US computer industry and the advent of the Internet are best treated as three separate, coexisting strands of development that converged in the s: 1 the initial emergence of the computer industry dominated by IBM and the mainframe, 2 the rise of minicomputers and the PC, and 3 the development of the Internet. IBM emerged globally dominant from the s through s, in spite of measures to weaken it rather than from a government promotion strategy. For example, a Consent decree limited IBM from leveraging its service bureaus to drive sales.
In other advanced countries, unlike the US, communications equipment firms generally were the computer firms. The next step in computer evolution, microcomputers, began appearing in the late s from Silicon Valley based firms, most notably Apple. Rather than provide all components as proprietary, in-house offerings like mainframes with integrated hardware and software, IBM orchestrated third party firms to provide crucial components—most notably Intel processors and a Microsoft operating system. This modular design ushered in an entire new industry structure and production paradigm—not only for computers, but for industrial production more generally Borrus and Zysman As offices became networked internally, the Internet emerged as an open global platform connecting various networks around the world.
This is when the arc of computer industry development and adoption merged with the development of the Internet, which had been pursuing its own, highly government-shaped trajectory. After its management was handed off to the private sector in , the Internet burst onto the global scene as an open global platform, connecting previously disparate networks around the world. The point is that the Internet, which disrupted telecommunications carriers and equipment firms worldwide, was created almost entirely outside the world of telecommunications, from specific US political economic conditions.
Critically, the hand off to private sector management was handled carefully to avoid telecom carriers exerting control. This made it more amenable to becoming an open global platform and disrupting incumbent communications equipment firms. Telephone networks, in contrast, were centralized and coordinated as a single network. Telephone networks put intelligence in the network itself, with costly, centralized switching equipment. Cisco disrupted communications equipment firms by riding this fundamentally different Internet design paradigm.
The US, galvanized by the fear of falling behind the USSR in the cold war technology race, poured massive resources into defense-relevant research, working closely with universities and corporations, spearheading the discipline of computer science. Email became the killer application, and the mix of academic and military users shaping the network to serve their own diverse needs led to its popular adoption. International organizations and governments, heavily influenced by incumbent carriers, did attempt to exert control over the nascent Internet. For example, carriers attempted to force manufacturers to adopt a particular network standard to shift the balance of power away from US computer industry firms.
However, the community surrounding the nascent Internet made critical design choices while the network was still managed by DARPA, allowing it to avoid domination by telecom carriers Abbate Critically, the network initially restricted commercial interconnection, even as commercial network services such as Compuserve and America Online, offering closed networks with proprietary content, grew rapidly in the s and s.
The NSF terms of agreement included an acceptable use policy prohibiting commercial use of the Internet, preventing these rapidly growing commercial networks from connecting to the Internet and offering services. In , the NSF privatized the Internet, handing off its backbone management to commercial firms. Networks from all over the world were rapidly interconnected, and with the development of the World Wide Web, the population of Internet users quickly exploded Abbate An understanding of these differences requires an analysis of the dual process of deconstruction of the traditional public service model, and social reconstruction of a new model.
Such analysis reveals, behind the apparent similarities of institutional systems based on a public service monopoly, the true diversity in the conception and implementation of this model. It also becomes clear that the insertion ofsectorial problematics in a social debate and political game of which the rules and content are marked by cultures, political and economic histories and singular contexts , informs the renegotiation and terms of a compromise.
The comparative approach adopted here enables us to grasp the significance of political issues and specific forms of political regulation peculiar to each country, in the definition of institutional conditions and in the different paths ofsectorial regulation. During the s, the European model for regulating the telecommunications sector,1 based on institutional arrangements and the principles of the public service model under state monopoly, were called into question everywhere and revised, to a greater or lesser extent.
This destabilization was part of a general trend characterized by the challenging of the role of the state and the neo-liberal reorientation of public policies. The public service model was an exemplary target in so far as it comprised the main figures of state intervention, i. At the same time, profound changes occurred in the way in which telecommunications fitted into the global system of production. Schematically, the new model in embryo tends to replace monopoly by competition, public control by private control regulated by law, a universalist concept of the public service by a 'residual' public service, centralism by a far more complex, decentralized and multipolar system of management, and the coalition of 'producers' public network operators, manufacturers, trade unions as key players in the system by a configuration of far more complex interests in which major professional users and potential rivals become highly significant actors.
While the lines of convergence are fairly clear - albeit not altogether stable on a number of points - this redefinition of national models is taking place in processes and forms which differ sharply from one country to the next with respect to pace, intensity and nature of the changes. In the countries considered in the present comparative study cf. Table 1 :. Initiated in by the separation of Post and Telecommunications and the introduction of a second operator, the liberalization-privatization movement developed in stages in and , with the shift from a protected duopoly to increasingly open competition covering all the services and networks, and the privatization of British Telecom initiated in and concluded in ;.
The first reforms in and They appeared as a mere adaptation of the traditional national model in so far as they adhered to its basic principles 'social market economy' on the one hand, and public service on the other. However, in both cases the new compromise soon proved to be unstable and led to more radical reforms under negotiation or recently introduced, aimed at the partial privatization of the public operator;.
The main problem throughout the decade was that of rationalizing the structures of public intervention, that is to say, incorporating into a unified organizational whole the diverse public operators who shared the different types of service and network. This thorny question preceded all attempts at placing the liberalization-privatization issue on the agenda. The reorganization never got off the ground and the question of privatization really emerged only when the general crisis in the political system deepened in and Any understanding of these differences requires us to consider the introduction of new institutional arrangements as the result of a dual process: deconstruc- tion-delegitimization of the public service model on the one hand, and social construction and institutionalization of a new sectorial regulation model on the other.
We are then able to see, behind the formal similarity of institutional systems and rules of the game corresponding to the public service monopoly model, the true diversity of conceptions and the concrete interpretations of this model peculiar to. Moreover, the extent of the changes taking place both in concepts and in the configuration of interests, places the sectorial problematics in a social debate and a political game which transcend the arena and networks of sectorial policy, and of which the specific features inform the renegotiation of the compromise and its content.
The comparative approach adopted here is intended, and enables us, to grasp the weight of the political issues and the specific forms of political regulation characteristic of each country representations of the state and its relations with society, forms of structuring and articulating social interests, basis and conditions for the construction of the social compromise, etc. Apart from the telecommunications sector, it helps to illuminate, at a more general level, on the one hand the important processes of change and reorientation of public action such as those which occurred in the eighties, in their relationship with the major theoretical and ideological currents such as neo-liberalism and, on the other hand, the processes of destabilization and of creation of new institutional forms underlying the sectorial modes of regulation which certain economists theoreticians of regulation or of conventions agree are essentially of a socio-political order.
It is not possible in this article to develop a systematic demonstration encompassing four countries; we shall therefore confine ourselves to noting the most interesting conclusions drawn from these different points of view.
First, we need to recall the major contextual changes which, during the eighties, were progressively to make the compromises and institutional arrangements relating to the public service model more and more inoperative. The new situation in the s: new economic issues and new international and intellectual climate. We shall consider these changes only briefly since they have been analysed and commented on many times. New economic issues. Before the eighties, when the basic networks were still being constituted, the public monopoly and state control found their most solid base in a situation of 'natural monopoly' strong economies of scale and of scope.
However, major technological changes in respect of networks and services,2 and the blurring of boundaries between information, telecommunication and communication technologies, profoundly changed the conditions of competition and relationships between actors in the 'telecommunications system'. These changes stimulated and facilitated competition in increasingly wide segments of the market. Broad consensus gave way to controversy, involving economists such as D. Allen, over the adequate market system.